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Greenhouse Development Rights
 
The new GDRs paper

Since you’re here, you’re probably looking for The right to development in a climate constrained world, the first complete explication of the Greenhouse Development Rights framework.  You can download the low-resolution (706 kb) version here.  Or, if you prefer, you’ll find a high-resolution version (3.8 Mb) with somewhat clearer graphics here.

The right to development in a climate constrained world was written by Paul Baer and Tom Athanasiou of EcoEquity and Sivan Kartha of the Stockholm Environment Institute, with the support of Christian Aid and, recently, the Heinrich Böll Foundation.

By the way, this paper may seem a bit long.  But you can skip the technical appendix!

What is The Greenhouse Development Rights framework?

GDRs is a “Climate protection framework designed to support an emergency climate stabilization program while, at the same time, preserving the right of all people to reach a dignified level of sustainable human development free of the privations of poverty.”

More specifically, the GDRs framework quantifies national responsibility and capacity, with the goal of providing a coherent, principle-based way to think about national obligations to pay for both mitigation and adaptation.  

As we put this in the abstract:

This paper argues that an emergency climate program is needed, that such a program is only possible if the international climate policy impasse is broken, and that this impasse arises from the inherent − but surmountable − conflict between the climate crisis and the development crisis.  It argues that the best way to break this impasse is, perhaps counter-intuitively, by expanding the climate protection agenda to include the protection of developmental equity.  To that end, the Greenhouse Development Rights framework is designed to hold global warming below 2ºC while, with equal deliberateness, safeguarding the right of all people everywhere to reach a dignified level of sustainable human development.  This standard of living, which we might say is that of a ‘global middle class,’ is higher than the global poverty line, but lower than the northern middle-class standard.

To be explicit, we see this right to development, and the corresponding right to be exempt from global climate obligations, as belonging to poor people, not poor countries.  And, indeed, the GDRs framework proceeds transparently from this premise, first defining an emergency stabilization pathway, then quantifying national responsibility and capacity to act, and finally calculating national obligations to pay the costs of both an emergency mitigation program and strenuous adaptation efforts.  Moreover, it does this for all countries, and in a manner that takes income disparities within nations into explicit account.  By so doing, it seeks to secure for the world’s poor the environmental space and resources needed for low-carbon development.

Given this goal, the GDRs framework inevitably allocates to the wealthy and high-emitting, in both the North and the South, the costs of the necessary mitigation and adaptation, and does so no matter how large (or small) these costs turn out to be.  Such an approach may appear improbably ambitious, but we nevertheless see GDRs as being ‘realist,’ albeit in a new way.  Rather than treating short-term political constraints as immutable, we’ve sought to construct a transparent framework capable of catalyzing and then supporting an emergency climate program that could actually meet the long-term challenge before us.

At its heart, GDRs is a response to an unfortunate fact: given the extraordinarily rapid emissions reductions that are now necessary (and, to be complete, the state of today’s technology) even equal per capita emissions rights wouldn’t give the South enough “developmental space” to escape its historically subordinate role in the global economy.  This is among the many grim truths of the climate crisis, but, as we’ve found ourselves saying with some regularity, “the math is implacable.”  In a sense, what we’ve done in this paper is follow the implications of this implacability, as straightforwardly and as transparently as we were able. 

A little bit of history

The Greenhouse Development Rights framework is the culmination of many years of work.  Some of you will have seen earlier versions of it, as the ideas were first presented at COP 10 in Buenos Aires in 2004, and a brief draft – [Greenhouse Development Rights: An approach to the global climate regime that takes climate protection seriously while also preserving the right to human development] – was circulated in November of 2006.  This paper, however, is different.  It attempts to explain itself completely, and to make the GDRs framework concrete.  To that end, it includes calculations of a “Responsibility and Capacity Indicator” for all countries, and then goes on show that, for any given estimate of the total cost of an emergency mitigation and adaptation program, these RCIs can be used to estimate national obligations – bills,” actually.

For more of the history behind GDRs, see below.

An “open source” policy framework

The Greenhouse Development Rights framework is based on a simple idea, that there are only a small number of reasonable ways in which the UNFCCC’s famous “common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capacities” can be quantified. We’ve proposed a specific method for making such a quantification, but we do not presume to have the last word on the matter. 

Accordingly, we’d like to see Greenhouse Development Rights develop into an open source policy framework. That is, we want people who are sympathetic (or even unsympathetic) to our basic idea to be able to work with our analysis, our data, our assumptions, and our models, and to develop their own versions, variations and extensions of the GDRs approach.  Accordingly, we’ve put our database, along  with some of the computer code used in our calculations, into a public repository at gdrs.sourceforge.net.  It needs more work, but the basics are already there, and we invite the nerds among you to visit, download the “GDRs Calculator,” and give us your feedback.  We’ll take it seriously, because this is very much a work in progress.

Address correspondence to GDRs@ecoequity.org

***

May 2007

Our recent study for the Heinrich Boell Foundation, with the snappy title of
A Brief, Adequacy and Equity-Based Evaluation of Some Prominent Climate Policy Frameworks and Proposals, briefly compares six approaches to a post-Kyoto climate regime, all of which claim to be fair. One of them, unsurprisingly, is Greenhouse Development Rights. Another, and please note this if you're a fan, is Contraction and Convergence. We evaluate each on its own terms, and also in terms of its ability, or potential ability, to deliver the all-important quality that we call "developmental equity." (June 2007)

A recent Oxfam report, Adapting to climate change: What's needed in poor countries, and who should pay?, is a major step in the evolution and diffusion of the GDRs approach.  Not that Oxfam's "Adaptation Financing Index" is exactly the same as our "Responsibility and Capacity Index."  For one thing, we apply the RCI to mitigation as well as adaptation obligations.  But the two systems share both a common DNA and a common vision.  Most imposrtantly, they point in the same direction.  (May 2007)

The Nairobi Overview of the Greenhouse Development Rights approach: Greenhouse Development Rights: An approach to the global climate regime that takes climate protection seriously while also preserving the right to human development. (Nov 2006)

***

November 2006

Years ago, when we first spun up EcoEquity, we saw equal per-capita emissions rights as the essential foundation of a just and effective global climate regime. It's been a long trip since then, and for better or for worse this has changed. Our goal remains the same -- the proper marriage of justice and realism -- but we've come to take the diversity of "national circumstances" very seriously indeed when trying to understand what such a marriage implies.

And when we say that national circumstances have to be taken into account, we don't simply mean that some countries are hotter that others. We also mean that some have a great deal more responsibility for the climate crisis, and that some are a good deal richer than others. The bottom line is that we still see per-capita rights as crucial, but no longer see them as emissions rights per se. In fact, we think that the best way forward, for those of us who still see rights-based approaches as critical, might well be the entirely different terms of "rights to sustainable development."

Such rights are asserted by the Berlin Mandate, though working out what they mean in practice isn't easy. One thing that seems pretty clear is that sustainable development rights must be animated by a system that leverages the Polluter Pays Principle to fund a rapid global clean-energy transition. Beyond that matters get less clear, though we think we've worked out a useful approach to the problem, one which we intend to be taken as both a proposal and a reference framework by which other proposals can be judged. We call it Greenhouse Development Rights.

The Greenhouse Development Rights approach is very much a work in progress. Given this, we've decided to set up this page to make it easier for interested parties to follow its evolution.

First, the people behind the curtain. The original "Greenhouse Development Rights" group, which evolved from the group that, after the Climate Action Network's 2002 "Equity Summit," set out to further develop the "Per Capita Plus National Circumstances" approach. There are three of us: Tom Athanasiou and Paul Baer of EcoEquity and Sivan Kartha of the Stockholm Environment Institute, all doing business, at least as far as GDRs is concerned, as EcoEquity. There was a forth in our ranks, Steven Bernow of the Tellus Institute, but Steve died just as we really picking up steam. Still, his name belongs here.

The Greenhouse Development Rights approach debuted at a side event at COP 10 in Argentina, with a paper and presentation by Siv, Paul, and Tom that was introduced by Deborah Cornland of Sweden's Mistra, an early supporter of the GDRs project. This paper was called Cutting the Gordian Knot, but this, alas, did not translate well. The final, reworked version was published on April 15 2005, under the title Cutting the Knot: Climate Protection, Political Realism, and Equity as Requirements of a Post-Kyoto Regime.

There followed a long pause in the development of approach, during which we bemoaned our lack of funding, debated the feedback which we had received at COP10, and pursued other projects. Recently, however, things have picked up speed. For one thing, a number of people and organizations have become interested in the Greenhouse Development Rights approach, most notably the estimable British development group Christian Aid. For another, we have completed and published two relevant new papers.

The first is a brief, well-focused new paper, with the snappy title of Greenhouse Development Rights: An approach to the global climate regime that takes climate protection seriously while also preserving the right to human development. We call it "the Nairobi draft" because, while it's ready for COP12/MOP2 in Kenya, it's hardly the last word on Greenhouse Development Rights.

The Nairobi draft does, however, mark real progress since we debuted the GDRs approach at COP10. Since then we've been grinding slowly through the issues and improvements needed to make it really useful. For one thing, we're no longer treating countries as monolithic, but rather calculating their "responsibility and capacity indexes" in a manner that is sensitive to intra-national income disparities. Not to say class. For another, and just as importantly, adaptation, and obligation to pay for adaptation, are now fully integrated into the GDRs framework.

And we're happy to say that the GDRs drafting group is not alone in trundling the Nairobi draft around the halls of the conference center. Christian Aid is now a full partner, and some other prospective partners are also in the wings. Our hope is to put our core point onto the political agenda as quickly as possible - that if we actually intend to build a climate regime that can hold the warming to 2C or less, we had best think very clearly indeed about how that regime can preserve, and actively promote, the right to human development.

Finally, and only a bit tangentially, we'd like to mention second report, this on precautionary emissions pathways, published by the UK's Institute for Public Policy Research and authored by EcoEquity's Research Director, Paul Baer. It's called High Stakes: Designing emissions pathways to reduce the risk of dangerous climate change , and it was written by Paul Baer of EcoEquity and co-authored with Michael Mastrandrea of Stanford University.

"High Stakes" has already gotten a bit of high level attention, and it's a key contribution to the intensifying debate over precaution and long-term objectives. This is because it shows, by way of fairly robust but transparent risk calculations, that even if we could orchestrate an extremely steep and nearly immediate decline in global emissions, we would still face a risk on the order of 10-20% or more of exceeding the 2ºC threshold, the most broadly endorsed "precautionary" target.

The relevance of this work should probably be pointed out -- the GDRs approach begins with an explicit calculation of the "mitigation shortfall" that has to be filled by any viable global climate regime. That shortfall can only be calculate with respect to a true "soft landing" emissions pathway. Which is where "High Stakes" comes in.