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The new GDRs paper
Since you’re here, you’re
probably looking for The right to development in a climate
constrained world, the first complete explication of the Greenhouse
Development Rights framework. You can download the low-resolution (706 kb)
version here. Or, if you prefer, you’ll find a
high-resolution version (3.8 Mb) with somewhat clearer graphics here.
The right to development in a
climate constrained world was written by Paul Baer and Tom Athanasiou
of EcoEquity and Sivan Kartha of the Stockholm Environment Institute, with the support of Christian Aid and, recently, the Heinrich Böll Foundation.
By the way, this paper may seem a
bit long. But you can skip the technical
appendix!
What is The Greenhouse Development Rights framework?
GDRs is a “Climate
protection framework designed to support an emergency climate stabilization
program while, at the same time, preserving the right of all people to reach a
dignified level of sustainable human development free of the privations of
poverty.”
More
specifically, the GDRs framework quantifies national responsibility and capacity,
with the goal of providing a coherent, principle-based way to think about
national obligations to pay for both mitigation and adaptation.
As we put this
in the abstract:
This paper argues that an
emergency climate program is needed, that such a program is only possible
if the international climate policy impasse is broken, and that this impasse
arises from the inherent − but surmountable − conflict between the climate
crisis and the development crisis. It
argues that the best way to break this impasse is, perhaps counter-intuitively,
by expanding the climate protection agenda to include the protection of developmental equity. To that end, the Greenhouse Development
Rights framework is designed to hold global warming below 2ºC while, with equal
deliberateness, safeguarding the right of all people everywhere to reach a dignified level of sustainable
human development. This
standard of living, which we might say is that of a ‘global middle class,’ is
higher than the global poverty line, but lower than the northern middle-class
standard.
To be explicit, we see this right to development, and the corresponding
right to be exempt from global climate obligations, as belonging to poor
people, not poor countries. And, indeed,
the GDRs framework proceeds transparently from this premise, first defining an
emergency stabilization pathway, then quantifying national responsibility and
capacity to act, and finally calculating national obligations to pay the costs
of both an emergency mitigation program and strenuous adaptation efforts. Moreover, it does this for all countries, and
in a manner that takes income disparities within nations into explicit
account. By so doing, it seeks to secure
for the world’s poor the environmental space and resources needed for
low-carbon development.
Given this goal, the GDRs framework inevitably allocates to the wealthy
and high-emitting, in both the North and the South, the costs of the necessary
mitigation and adaptation, and does so no matter how large (or small) these
costs turn out to be. Such an approach
may appear improbably ambitious, but we nevertheless see GDRs as being ‘realist,’
albeit in a new way. Rather than
treating short-term political constraints as immutable, we’ve sought to
construct a transparent framework capable of catalyzing and then supporting an
emergency climate program that could actually meet the long-term challenge
before us.
At its heart, GDRs
is a response to an unfortunate fact: given the extraordinarily rapid emissions
reductions that are now necessary (and, to be complete, the state of today’s
technology) even equal per capita
emissions rights wouldn’t give the South enough “developmental space” to
escape its historically subordinate role in the global economy. This is among the many grim truths of the climate
crisis, but, as we’ve found ourselves saying with some regularity, “the math is
implacable.” In a sense, what we’ve done
in this paper is follow the implications of this implacability, as
straightforwardly and as transparently as we were able.
A little bit of history
The Greenhouse
Development Rights framework is the culmination of many years of work. Some of you will have seen earlier versions of
it, as the ideas were first presented at COP 10 in Buenos Aires in 2004, and a brief
draft – [Greenhouse Development Rights: An approach to the global climate
regime that takes climate protection seriously while also preserving the right
to human development] – was circulated in November of 2006. This paper, however, is different. It attempts to explain itself completely, and
to make the GDRs framework concrete. To
that end, it includes calculations of a “Responsibility and Capacity Indicator”
for all countries, and then goes on show that, for any given estimate of the
total cost of an emergency mitigation and adaptation program, these RCIs can be
used to estimate national obligations – bills,” actually.
For more of the
history behind GDRs, see below.
An “open source” policy framework
The Greenhouse Development Rights
framework is based on a simple idea, that there are only a small number of reasonable ways in which the UNFCCC’s
famous “common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capacities”
can be quantified. We’ve proposed a specific method for making such a
quantification, but we do not presume to have the last word on the matter.
Accordingly, we’d like to see
Greenhouse Development Rights develop into an open source policy framework. That is, we want people who are sympathetic
(or even unsympathetic) to our basic idea to be able to work with our analysis,
our data, our assumptions, and our models, and to develop their own versions,
variations and extensions of the GDRs approach. Accordingly, we’ve put our database, along with some of the computer code used in our
calculations, into a public repository at gdrs.sourceforge.net.
It needs more work, but the basics are
already there, and we invite the nerds among you to visit, download the “GDRs
Calculator,” and give us your feedback.
We’ll take it seriously, because this is very much a work in progress.
Address correspondence to
GDRs@ecoequity.org
***
May 2007
Our recent study for the Heinrich Boell Foundation, with the snappy title of A
Brief, Adequacy and Equity-Based Evaluation of Some Prominent Climate
Policy Frameworks and Proposals,
briefly compares six approaches to a post-Kyoto climate regime, all of
which claim to be fair. One of them, unsurprisingly, is Greenhouse
Development Rights. Another, and please note this if you're a fan,
is Contraction and Convergence.
We evaluate each on its own terms, and also in terms of its ability, or
potential ability, to deliver the all-important quality that we call
"developmental equity." (June 2007)
A recent Oxfam report, Adapting to climate change: What's needed in poor countries, and who should pay?,
is a major step in the evolution and diffusion of the GDRs approach.
Not that Oxfam's "Adaptation Financing Index" is exactly the same
as our "Responsibility and Capacity Index." For one thing, we
apply the RCI to mitigation as well as adaptation obligations.
But the two systems share both a common DNA and a common vision.
Most imposrtantly, they point in the same direction.
(May 2007)
The Nairobi
Overview of the Greenhouse Development Rights approach: Greenhouse
Development Rights: An approach to the global climate regime that takes
climate protection seriously while also preserving the right to human
development. (Nov 2006)
***
November 2006
Years ago, when
we first spun up EcoEquity, we saw equal per-capita emissions rights as
the essential foundation of a just and effective global climate regime.
It's been a long trip since then, and for better or for worse this has
changed. Our goal remains the same -- the proper marriage of justice
and realism -- but we've come to take the diversity of "national
circumstances" very seriously indeed when trying to understand what
such a marriage implies.
And when we say
that national circumstances have to be taken into account, we don't
simply mean that some countries are hotter that others. We also mean
that some have a great deal more responsibility for
the climate crisis, and that some are a good deal richer
than others. The bottom line is that we still see per-capita rights as
crucial, but no longer see them as emissions rights
per se. In fact, we think that the best way forward, for those of us
who still see rights-based approaches as critical, might well be the
entirely different terms of "rights to
sustainable development."
Such rights are
asserted by the Berlin
Mandate, though working out what they mean in practice isn't
easy. One thing that seems pretty clear is that sustainable development
rights must be animated by a system that leverages the Polluter Pays
Principle to fund a rapid global clean-energy transition. Beyond that
matters get less clear, though we think we've worked out a useful
approach to the problem, one which we intend to be taken as both a
proposal and a reference framework by which other proposals can be
judged. We call it
Greenhouse Development Rights.
The Greenhouse
Development Rights approach is very much a work in progress. Given
this, we've decided to set up this page to make it easier for
interested parties to follow its evolution.
First, the
people behind the curtain. The original "Greenhouse Development Rights"
group, which evolved from the group that, after the Climate Action
Network's 2002 "Equity Summit," set out to further develop the "Per
Capita Plus National Circumstances" approach. There are three of us:
Tom Athanasiou and Paul Baer of EcoEquity and Sivan Kartha of the
Stockholm Environment Institute, all doing business, at least as far as
GDRs is concerned, as EcoEquity. There was a forth in our ranks, Steven
Bernow of the Tellus Institute, but Steve died just as we really
picking up steam. Still, his name belongs here.
The Greenhouse
Development Rights approach debuted at a side event at COP 10 in
Argentina, with a paper and presentation by Siv, Paul, and Tom that was
introduced by Deborah Cornland of Sweden's Mistra, an early
supporter of the GDRs project. This paper was called Cutting
the Gordian Knot, but this, alas, did not translate well. The
final, reworked version was published on April 15 2005, under the title
Cutting
the Knot: Climate Protection, Political Realism, and Equity as
Requirements of a Post-Kyoto Regime.
There followed
a long pause in the development of approach, during which we bemoaned
our lack of funding, debated the feedback which we had received at
COP10, and pursued other projects. Recently, however, things have
picked up speed. For one thing, a number of people and organizations
have become interested in the Greenhouse Development Rights approach,
most notably the estimable British development group Christian Aid.
For another, we have completed and published two relevant new papers.
The first is a
brief, well-focused new paper, with the snappy title of Greenhouse
Development Rights: An approach to the global climate regime that takes
climate protection seriously while also preserving the right to human
development. We call it "the
Nairobi draft" because, while it's ready for COP12/MOP2 in Kenya, it's
hardly the last word on Greenhouse Development Rights.
The Nairobi
draft does, however, mark real progress since we debuted the GDRs
approach at COP10. Since then we've been grinding slowly through the
issues and improvements needed to make it really useful. For one thing,
we're no longer treating countries as monolithic, but rather
calculating their "responsibility and capacity indexes" in a manner
that is sensitive to intra-national income disparities. Not to say
class. For another, and just as importantly, adaptation, and obligation
to pay for adaptation, are now fully integrated into the GDRs
framework.
And we're happy
to say that the GDRs drafting group is not alone in trundling the
Nairobi draft around the halls of the conference center. Christian Aid
is now a full partner, and some other prospective partners are also in
the wings. Our hope is to put our core point onto the political agenda
as quickly as possible - that if we actually intend to build a climate
regime that can hold the warming to 2C or less, we had best think very
clearly indeed about how that regime can preserve, and actively
promote, the right to human development.
Finally, and
only a bit tangentially, we'd like to mention second report,
this on precautionary emissions pathways, published by the
UK's Institute for Public Policy Research and authored by EcoEquity's
Research Director, Paul Baer. It's called High
Stakes: Designing emissions pathways to reduce the risk of dangerous
climate change , and it was written by Paul Baer of
EcoEquity and co-authored with Michael Mastrandrea of Stanford
University.
"High Stakes"
has already gotten a bit of high level attention, and it's a key
contribution to the intensifying debate over precaution and long-term
objectives. This is because it shows, by way of fairly robust but
transparent risk calculations, that even if we could orchestrate an
extremely steep and nearly immediate decline in global emissions, we
would still face a risk on the order of 10-20% or more of exceeding the
2ºC threshold, the most broadly endorsed "precautionary"
target.
The relevance
of this work should probably be pointed out -- the GDRs approach begins
with an explicit calculation of the "mitigation shortfall" that has to
be filled by any viable global climate regime. That shortfall can only
be calculate with respect to a true "soft landing" emissions pathway.
Which is where "High Stakes" comes in.
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